QUANDO CASO E ACCORDO SONO DISGIUNTI: SOGGETTI ACCUSATIVI E DATIVI NELL’ALBANESE E NEI DIALETTI ARBËRESHË

Albanian and Arbëresh dialects have a number of subordinate subjunctive clauses in which the subordinate subject can appear both pre- and post-verbally and it alternates between the morphologically unmarked nominative case and the marked dative or accusative case. The contexts in which the subject emerges with dative and accusative case admit the phenomenon of Clitic climbing, the raising of a clitic from a subordinate clause to a matrix one. These facts seem to suggest that the subjunctive is [-Tense], i.e. it has not independent temporal reference and therefore: a) its subject does not rise in the specifier of the TP projection but remains in situ, within the vP, surfacing in the final position of the entire structure (and in cases in which it appears in preverbal position it is because it is in a raised Topic position); b ) the subjunctive, as an infinitival with a reduced structure, can form a kind of clause-union when it is embedded under certain particular functional verbs. The data show that the assertion made in Chomsky (2001 , 2005) according to which the agreement between T and the subject is also involved in nominative case assignment to the subject of the clause should be reviewed because, despite the agreement between the subjunctive and the logical subject is always morphologically visible, the case is not always the expected one. Therefore in subjunctive structures, agreement and case must be separated since they are two unrelated phenomena.