The study aimed to test prosodic variation in Russian idiomatic constructions “Eto / Zdes’ / Tut vam / tebe ne X” (“This / Here you-Dat. is not an X”) in experimental conditions. Since the tonal configuration that presumably marks quality implicature in this construction is facultative and requires access to pragmatic context, a particular methodology was applied to elicit phonetic data. Namely, the subjects were asked to watch short video fragments from the multimedia subcorpus of the Russian National Corpus and then repeat selected phrases preserving the melody and meaning intended by the original speakers. As a result, phonetic data were obtained that indicate the optional presence of postnuclear high tonal target in one of the two tunes observed. When the final word bears the nuclear accent, the high target is aligned with the phrase-final syllable; when the prominent word is non-final, the tone is associated with the lexically stressed syllable of the following word. Since non-boundary-associated postnuclear tonal movements in Russian are largely understudied, further investigations are required to give phonological interpretation to this intriguing phenomenon.
Prosodija konstrukcij «Èto/Zdesʹ/Tut tebe/vam ne X»: opyt èlicitacii dannyx metodom imitacii fragmentov mulʹtimedijnogo korpusa (Prosody of constructions Eto/Zdes’/Tut tebe/vam ne X: data elicitation via imitation of fragments from multimedia corpus)
Duryagin Pavel
2021-01-01
Abstract
The study aimed to test prosodic variation in Russian idiomatic constructions “Eto / Zdes’ / Tut vam / tebe ne X” (“This / Here you-Dat. is not an X”) in experimental conditions. Since the tonal configuration that presumably marks quality implicature in this construction is facultative and requires access to pragmatic context, a particular methodology was applied to elicit phonetic data. Namely, the subjects were asked to watch short video fragments from the multimedia subcorpus of the Russian National Corpus and then repeat selected phrases preserving the melody and meaning intended by the original speakers. As a result, phonetic data were obtained that indicate the optional presence of postnuclear high tonal target in one of the two tunes observed. When the final word bears the nuclear accent, the high target is aligned with the phrase-final syllable; when the prominent word is non-final, the tone is associated with the lexically stressed syllable of the following word. Since non-boundary-associated postnuclear tonal movements in Russian are largely understudied, further investigations are required to give phonological interpretation to this intriguing phenomenon.File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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