Title: Linguist:
Author: Wolfgang Herbst - Max Niemeyer Verlag
Last saved by: Patrick Heinrich
Company: Universität Duisburg-Essen

Lexicon Grammaticorum     2.edition
Hashimoto_Shinkichi

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Linguist:
Hashimoto, Shinkichi

Text:
, b. Dec. 24, 1882, Tsuruga, Fukui Pref., Japan, d. Jan. 30, 1945, Tokyo; regarded as the founder of Jap. School Grammar.
H. studied lings. at the Univ. of Tokyo, worked as a Jap. teacher for foreign students, was associate member of the ‘Commission for Investigation into the National Lang.’ (Kokugo chôsa i’inkai), became assistant to Ueda Kazutoshi at the Institute of Jap. of Univ. of Tokyo in 1909, subsequently assistant prof. and, from 1929 onwards, prof., receiving his doctorate in 1934 and becoming emeritus prof. in 1943. H. was one of the key figures behind the establishment of the ‘The Society for Jap. Linguistics’ (Kokugo gakkai) in 1944.
In the course of studying lings. and during his subsequent work at the Univ. of Tokyo, H. became familiar with the methods of the Neogrammarians, which may well have played a role in the positivist method characteristic of his grammar and criticized by his opponents, such as the successor to his univ. chair, M. Tokieda. 
H. grammmar is formalist and basically similar to neo-Bloomfieldian approaches. It starts with the level of sentence as a propositional unit and decomposes it into referentially significant units. In 'Outline of Jap. Linguistics' ('Kokugogaku gairon', 1932/33), H. decomposed ‘sentence’ (bun) into ‘phrasal constituents’ (bunsetsu), consisting of at least one ‘word’ (go). Phrasal constituents corresponded to nouns with case- or topic-markers, or more generally, stems followed by their suffixes and postpositions. His contribution is less to be sought in the results of his gramm. analysis—his three basic units of sentence (bun), phrasal constituent (bunsetsu), and word (tango), for instance, are already to be found as danku, shi, and as a part of the genji in the work of D. Matsushita—than in the method, arriving at these units by purely formal and frequently phonol. means. H.’s definition of phrasal constituent proved to be pivotal for school grammars due to its simple definition as smallest unit to be isolated when reading out a sentence with as many pauses (kugiru) as possible. Since phrasal constituent was based on pronunciation but used to describe gramm. structures, it ran into several problems. H. attempted to solve some of them by presenting his conception of ‘adjunctive phrasal constituent’ (ren-bunsetsu) in a presentation in 1944. H’s idea of adjunctive phrasal constituent was published posthumously in 1953. However, it exerted only little influence on the further study of Jap. grammar. 
Some weaknesses notwithstanding, H.’s grammar is an improvement on the Matsushita grammar in sentence analysis, in that it does without its dichotomy. Yet, it is not on a par with the Matsushita grammar as far as morphology is concerned, since it ignores Matsushita’s derivation. Furthermore, the subsuming of the independent shi and the dependent ji under the unit ‘word’ (tango) has led to repeated criticism (see e.g. Suzuki Shigeyuki 1972) and is retrograde compared to the Matsushita grammar; whereas the shi correspond, on the whole, to lexemes, the ji are almost exclusively affixes in the structuralist sense. Apart from words, H. also distinguishes ‘affixes’ (setsuji), ‘roots’ (gokon), ‘endings’ (gobi) and ‘form alteration’ (gokei henka, e.g. in verb inflection). Criticism, voiced above all by Tokieda, of the term ‘sentence component’ (bunsetsu), for allegedly syntactic, but in fact for semantic reasons, constitutes a failure to recognize—not only Jap.—ling. reality.
Although H. approach to grammar has become the basis for today’s school grammars, it is generally considered unsatisfactory by specialists of Jap. grammar.
H. is not only esteemed as a systematic grammarian, but also for his hist. ling. studies, above all in the field of phonology. Studying the OJap. notational system, H. came to conclude that, until the 8th c., a written distinction had been made between two types of sound corresponding to the later vowels /e/, /i/, and /o/. Using the comparative-historical framework, H. concluded that OJap. must have had eight vowels, whose distribution, in addition, suggested the existence of vowel harmony. This proved to be a crucial insight for genealogical studies, since vowel harmony is a distinctive characteristic of Altaic lang. His hypothesis on the OJap. vowel system has been subjected to a variety of critiques and a number of different reconstructions have been proposed (Heinrich 2002: 104-107). H. furthermore made himself a name in the diachronic study of Jap., closing the gap in lang. description of MJap. of the late 16th c. by relying on a Jap. translation of Doctrina Christan by Portuguese Jesuits. His attempts to reconstruct the sounds of the MJap. met with wide recognition. H. was, furthermore, the first to provide for a diachronic study of the Jap. phonological system from the 8th to the 20th c.

Linguist's works:
(1931–9): Shin bunten, Shin bunten bekki, suppl., 10 vols., Tôkyô. (1946–72, posthumous): Hashimoto Shinkichi chosakushû, 12 vols., Tôkyô.

Literature:
Eschbach-Szabo, V. (2000): „Die Frühzeit der neueren japanischen Sprachforschung: Vom Kokugaku zum Kokugogaku“ in: S. Auroux, ed., History of the Language Sciences, I, 93-101. Heinrich, P. (2002): Die Rezeption westlicher Linguistik im modernen Japan bis zum Ende der Shôwa-Zeit, München. Inoue, K., ed. (1989): Nihon bunpô shô-jiten, Tôkyô. Kokugo Gakkai, ed. (1980): Kokugogaku daijiten, Tôkyô, 706. Koyama, W. (2003): Language and its double. A critical history of dialects, languages and metalanguages in Japan, Chicago (Diss.). Ôno, S. (1976): “Nihongo no kenkyū no rekishi (2): Meiji ikō” in: T. Shibata, ed., Iwanami kōza nihongo, I, Tōkyō: 231-274. Suzuki, S. (1972): Bunpô to bunpô shidô, Tôkyô. Tsukishima, H. (1987): “H. Bunpô”, in: A. Yamaguchi, ed., Kokubunpô kôza, Tôkyô, I, 42–71. 

Author:
Jens Rickmeyer
(Patrick Heinrich)

1. Correction	15.07.2004	page